features of traditional african system of government

The link between conflict and governance is a two-way street. This enhanced his authority. We know a good deal about what Africans want and demand from their governments from public opinion surveys by Afrobarometer. Traditional governments have the following functions; Among the attributes of the traditional system with such potential is the systems transparent and participatory process of resolving conflicts, which takes place in open public meetings. Another measure is recognition of customary law and traditional judicial systems by the state. Less than 20% of Africas states achieved statehood following rebellion or armed insurgency; in the others, independence flowed from peaceful transfers of authority from colonial officials to African political elites. With the introduction of the Black Administration Act the African system of governance and administration was changed and the white government took control of the African population. Rule that is based on predation and political monopoly is unlikely to enjoy genuine popular legitimacy, but it can linger for decades unless there are effective countervailing institutions and power centers. In other cases, however, they survived as paid civil servants of the state without displacing the traditional elder-based traditional authority systems. A third layer lies between the other two layers and is referred to in this article as traditional institutions. One of these is the potential influence exerted by the regions leading states, measured in terms of size, population, economic weight, and overall political clout and leadership prestige. During the colonial period, "tribe" was used to identify specific cultural and political groups in much the same way as "nation" is defined above. South Africas strategy revolves around recognition of customary law when it does not conflict with the constitution and involves traditional authorities in local governance. This category of chiefs serves their communities in various and sometimes complex roles, which includes spiritual service. Contents 1. Societal conflicts: Institutional dichotomy often entails incompatibility between the systems. All life was religious . Some live in remote areas beyond the reach of some of the institutions of the state, such as courts. One is that the leaders of the postcolonial state saw traditional institutions and their leadership as archaic vestiges of the past that no longer had a place in Africas modern system of governance. More frequently, this form of rule operates at the sub-state level as in the case of the emir of Kano or the Sultan of Sokoto in Nigeria or the former royal establishments of the Baganda (Uganda) or the Ashanti (Ghana). Tribe Versus Ethnic Group. This is in part because the role of traditional leaders has changed over time. Comparing Ethiopia and Kenya, for example, shows that adherents to the traditional institutional system is greater in Ethiopia than in Kenya, where the ratio of the population operating in the traditional economic system is smaller and the penetration of the capitalist economic system in rural areas is deeper. Africa's tumultuous political history has resulted in extreme disparities between the wealth and stability of its countries. Chester A. Crocker is the James R. Schlesinger Professor of Strategic Studies at Georgetown University. The political systems of most African nations are based on forms of government put in place by colonial authorities during the era of European rule. To complicate matters further, the role of traditional institutions is likely to be critical in addressing the problem of institutional fragmentation. Your current browser may not support copying via this button. Act,12 the African system of governance was changed and transformed, and new structures were put in place of old ones.13 Under the Union of South Africa, the Gov- Institutional systems emanate from the broader economic and political systems, although they also affect the performance of the economic and political systems. With the dawn of colonialism in Africa, the traditional African government was sys-tematically weakened, and the strong and influential bond between traditional lead- . These consisted of monarchy, aristocracy and polity. This kind of offences that attract capital punishment is usually . Even the court system is designed to provide for consociational, provincial, and local organization, not as separate courts but as divisions of the key national courts; once again, a compromise between a fully federal or consociational arrangement and the realities of the South African situation that emphasize the preservation of national unity . As noted, African countries have experienced the rise of the modern (capitalist) economic system along with its corresponding institutional systems. The arguments against traditional institutions are countered by arguments that consider traditional institutions to be indispensable and that they should be the foundations of African institutions of governance (Davidson, 1992). African states are by no means homogeneous in terms of governance standards: as the Mo Ibrahim index based on 14 governance categories reported in 2015, some 70 points on a scale of 100 separated the best and worst performers.16. Features Of Traditional Government Administration. The end of colonialism, however, did not end institutional dichotomy, despite attempts by some postcolonial African states to abolish the traditional system, especially the chieftaincy-based authority systems. In some cases, community elders select future Sultanes at a young age and groom them for the position. You cant impose middle class values on a pre-industrial society.13. Enlightened leaders face a more complex version of the same challenge: how to find and mobilize the resources for broad-based inclusiveness? Learn more about joining the community of supporters and scholars working together to advance Hoovers mission and values. The terms Afrocentrism, Afrocology, and Afrocentricity were coined in the 1980s by the African American scholar and activist Molefi Asante. While traditional institutions remain indispensable for the communities operating under traditional economic systems, they also represent institutional fragmentation, although the underlying factor for fragmentation is the prevailing dichotomy of economic systems. Lawmaking: government makes laws to regulate the behavior of its citizens. Despite apparent differences, the strategies of the three countries have some common features as well that may inform other counties about the measures institutional reconciliation may entail. The earliest known recorded history arose in Ancient Egypt . Yet, governments are expected to govern and make decisions after consulting relevant stakeholders. Recent developments add further complications to the region: (a) the collapse of Libya after 2011, spreading large quantities of arms and trained fighters across the broader Sahel region; (b) the gradual toll of desertification placing severe pressure on traditional herder/farmer relationships in places like Sudan and Nigeria; and, (c) the proliferation of local IS or Al Qaeda franchises in remote, under-governed spaces. These include macro variables such as educational access (especially for women), climate change impact and mitigation, development and income growth rates, demographic trends, internet access, urbanization rates, and conflict events. The size and intensity of adherence to the traditional economic and institutional systems, however, vary from country to country. The chapter further examines the dabbling of traditional leaders in the political process in spite of the proscription of the institution from mainstream politics and, in this context, analyzes the policy rationale for attempting to detach chieftaincy from partisan politics. Another category of chiefs is those who theoretically are subject to selection by the community. Rules of procedure were established through customs and traditions some with oral, some with written constitutions Women played active roles in the political system including holding leadership and military positions. Despite the adoption of constitutional term limits in many African countries during the 1990s, such restrictions have been reversed or defied in at least 15 countries since 2000, according to a recent report.6, The conflict-governance link takes various forms, and it points to the centrality of the variable of leadership. Government: A Multifarious Concept 1.2. Thus, another report by PRIO and the University of Uppsala (two Norwegian and Swedish centers) breaks conflict down into state-based (where at least one party is a government), non-state-based (neither party is an official state actor), and one-sided conflicts (an armed faction against unarmed civilians). How these differences in leadership structures impinge on the broader institutions of resources allocation patterns, judicial systems, and decision-making and conflict resolution mechanisms is still understudied. One layer represents the formal institutions (laws) of the state. In new countries such as most of those in Africa,7 where the rule of law is in competition with the rule of men, leaders play a strikingly critical role, for good or ill. In addition, they have traditional institutions of governance of various national entities, including those surrounding the Asantehene of the Ashanti in Ghana and the Kabaka of the Buganda in Uganda. If more leaders practice inclusive politics or find themselves chastened by the power of civil society to do so, this could point the way to better political outcomes in the region. Poor gender relations: Traditional institutions share some common weaknesses. Transforming the traditional economic system is also likely to require embracing and utilizing the traditional institutional systems as vehicles for the provision of public services. The Chinese understand the basics. It assigned them new roles while stripping away some of their traditional roles. Another reason is that African leaders of the postcolonial state, who wanted to consolidate their power, did not want other points of power that would compromise their control. Suggested Citation, 33 West 60th StreetNew York, NY 10023United States, Public International Law: Sources eJournal, Subscribe to this fee journal for more curated articles on this topic, Political Institutions: Parties, Interest Groups & Other Political Organizations eJournal, Political Institutions: Legislatures eJournal, We use cookies to help provide and enhance our service and tailor content. It is unlikely, however, that such harmony can be brought about by measures that aim to abolish the traditional system, as was attempted by some countries in the aftermath of decolonization. This discussion leads to an analysis of African conflict trends to help identify the most conflict-burdened sub-regions and to highlight the intimate link between governance and conflict patterns. 134-141. Communities in the traditional socioeconomic space are hardly represented in any of the organizations of the state, such as the parliament, where they can influence policy and the legal system to reflect their interests. Another issue that needs some clarification is the neglect by the literature of the traditional institutions of the political systems without centralized authority structures. Relatively unfettered access to the internet via smart phones and laptops brings informationand hence potential powerto individuals and groups about all kinds of things: e.g., market prices, the views of relatives in the diaspora, conditions in the country next door, and the self-enrichment of corrupt officials. A second objective is to draw a tentative typology of the different authority systems of Africas traditional institutions. The guiding principle behind these two attributes is that conflict is a societal problem and that resolving conflict requires societal engagement. Their endurance and coexistence with the institutions of the state has created an institutional dichotomy in much of Africa. In a few easy steps create an account and receive the most recent analysis from Hoover fellows tailored to your specific policy interests. The quality and durability of such leader-defined adaptive resilience cannot be assured and can be reversed unless the associated norms become institutionalized. Against this broad picture, what is striking is the more recent downward trend in democratic governance in Africa and the relative position of African governance when viewed on a global basis. Ehret 2002 emphasizes the diversity and long history of precolonial social and political formations, whereas Curtin, et al. On the one hand, traditional institutions are highly relevant and indispensable, although there are arguments to the contrary (see Mengisteab & Hagg [2017] for a summary of such arguments). On the eve of the departure of the colonial power, the Nigerian power elite in collusion with the departing colonial authority, drew up an elaborate constitution for a liberal bourgeois state - complete with provisions for parties in government and those in opposition. The key . In general, decentralized political systems, which are often elder-based with group leadership, have received little attention, even though these systems are widespread and have the institutions of judicial systems and mechanisms of conflict resolution and allocation of resources, like the institutions of the centralized systems. On the one hand, they recognize the need for strong, responsive state institutions; weak, fragile states do not lead to good governance. In Module Seven A: African History, you explored the histories of a wide diversity of pre-colonial African societies. Sometimes, another precedent flows from thesenamely, pressure from outside the country but with some support internally as well for creating a transitional government of national unity. In this paper, I look first at the emergence of the African state system historically, including colonial legacies and the Cold Wars impact on governance dynamics. Introduction: The Meaning of the Concept Government 1.1. Second, the levels of direct battle deaths from these events is relatively low when compared with far higher levels in the wars of the Middle East. Because these governmental institutions reject the indigenous political systems on which African society was built, they have generally failed to bring political . Given its institutional disconnect with the state, the traditional sector and the communities that operate under it invariably face marginalization in influencing policy as well as in access to economic resources throughout the continent. Changes in economic and political systems trigger the need for new institutional systems to manage the new economic and political systems, while endurance of economic and political systems foster durability of existing institutional systems. Before then, traditional authorities essentially provided leadership for the various communities and kingdoms. Unfortunately, transforming the traditional sector is not an easy undertaking and cannot be achieved in a reasonably short time. An election bound to be held in the year 2019 will unveil the new . 1. The Dutch dispatched an embassy to the Asantehene's . (2005), customary systems operating outside of the state regime are often the dominant form of regulation and dispute resolution, covering up to 90% of the population in parts of Africa. David and Joan Traitel Building & Rental Information, National Security, Technology & Law Working Group, Middle East and the Islamic World Working Group, Military History/Contemporary Conflict Working Group, Technology, Economics, and Governance Working Group, Answering Challenges to Advanced Economies, Understanding the Effects of Technology on Economics and Governance, Support the Mission of the Hoover Institution. For example, the electoral college forces a republic type of voting system. Understanding the Gadaa System. Examine the definitions, strengths, and weaknesses of several common governments: monarchy, theocracy . Space opened up for African citizens and civil society movements, while incumbent regimes were no longer able to rely on assured support from erstwhile external partners. by the Board of Trustees of Leland Stanford Junior University. The first three parts deal with the principal objectives of the article. The usual plethora of bour- Hindrance to democratization: Perhaps among the most important challenges institutional fragmentation poses is to the process of democratization. One can identify five bases of regime legitimacy in the African context today. In some cases, they are also denied child custody rights. There are also various arguments in the literature against traditional institutions.2 One argument is that chieftaincy impedes the pace of development as it reduces the relevance of the state in the area of social services (Tom Mboya in Osaghae, 1989). Traditional institutions have continued to metamorphose under the postcolonial state, as Africas socioeconomic systems continue to evolve. The Alafin as the political head of the empire was . Most African countries have yet to develop carefully considered strategies of how to reconcile their fragmented institutional systems. The optimistic replyand it is a powerful oneis that Africans will gradually build inclusive political and economic institutions.18 This, however, requires wise leadership. These dynamics often lead to increased state fragility or the re-authoritarianization of once more participatory governance systems.12 The trend is sometimes, ironically, promoted by western firms and governments more interested in commercial access and getting along with existing governments than with durable political and economic development. But it also reflects the impact of Arab, Russian, Chinese, Indian, European and U.S. vectors of influence which project their differences into African societies. Africas geopolitical environment is shaped by Africans to a considerable degree. Afrocentrism, also called Africentrism, cultural and political movement whose mainly African American adherents regard themselves and all other Blacks as syncretic Africans and believe that their worldview should positively reflect traditional African values. Perhaps one of the most serious shared weakness relates to gender relations. The political history of Africa begins with the emergence of hominids, archaic humans andat least 200,000 years agoanatomically modern humans (Homo sapiens), in East Africa, and continues unbroken into the present as a patchwork of diverse and politically developing nation states. Note that Maine and . The system of government in the traditional Yoruba society was partially centralised and highly democratic. However, the traditional judicial system has some weaknesses, especially with respect to gender equality. Misguided policies at the national level combined with cultural constraints facing these social groups may increase exclusion and create seeds of future trouble. On the opposite side are the decentralized systems, led by a council of elders, that command little formal power. The essay concludes with a sobering reflection on the challenge of achieving resilient governance. In these relatively new nations, the critical task for leadership is to build a social contract that is sufficiently inclusive to permit the management of diversity. Botswanas strategy has largely revolved around integrating parallel judicial systems. Only four states in AfricaBotswana, Gambia, Mauritius, and Senegalretained multiparty systems. The movement towards a formal state system is characterized by its emphasis on retribution and punishment. In many cases, the invented chieftaincies were unsuccessful in displacing the consensus-based governance structures (Gartrell, 1983; Uwazie, 1994). Among them were those in Ethiopia, Morocco, Swaziland, and Lesotho. By the mid-1970s, the military held power in one-third of the nations of sub-Saharan Africa. However, institutions are rarely static and they undergo changes induced by internal transformations of broader socioeconomic systems or by external influences or imposition, and in some cases by a combination of the two forces. Chiefs such as those of the Nuer and Dinka are examples of this category. . the system even after independence. Leaders may not be the only ones who support this definition of legitimacy. It is also challenging to map them out without specifying their time frame. The government system is a republic; the chief of state and head of government is the president. The kings and chiefs of Angola and Asante, for example, allowed European merchants to send their representatives to their courts. A third argument claims that chieftaincy heightens primordial loyalties, as chiefs constitute the foci of ethnic identities (Simwinga quoted in van Binsberger, 1987, p. 156). This layer of institutions is the subject of inquiry of this article. This study points to a marked increase in state-based conflicts, owing in significant part to the inter-mixture of Islamic State factions into pre-existing conflicts. The leader is accountable to various levels of elders, who serve as legislators and as judges (Legesse, 1973; Taa, 2017). These features include nonprofits, non-profits and hybrid entities are now provide goods and services that were once delivered by the government. Problems and Purpose. It may be good to note, as a preliminary, that African political systems of the past dis played considerable variety. To illustrate, when there are 2.2 billion Africans, 50% of whom live in cities, how will those cities (and surrounding countryside) be governed? The link was not copied. Abstract. However, they are not merely customs and norms; rather they are systems of governance, which were formal in precolonial times and continue to exist in a semiformal manner in some countries and in an informal manner in others.1. Why the traditional systems endure, how the institutional dichotomy impacts the process of building democratic governance, and how the problems of institutional incoherence might be mitigated are issues that have not yet received adequate attention in African studies. A third, less often recognized base of legitimacy can be called conventional African diplomatic legitimacy wherein a governmenthowever imperfectly establishedis no more imperfect than the standard established by its regional neighbors. You could not be signed in, please check and try again. Legitimate authority, in turn, is based on accepted laws and norms rather than the arbitrary, unconstrained power of the rulers. This theme, which is further developed below, is especially critical bearing in mind that Africa is the worlds most ethnically complex region, home to 20 of the worlds most diverse countries in terms of ethnic composition.8. Strictly speaking, Ghana was the title of the King, but the Arabs, who left records . As a result, customary law, which often is not recognized by the state or is recognized only when it does not contradict the constitution, does not protect communities from possible transgressions by the state. They dispense justice, resolve conflicts, and enforce contracts, even though such services are conducted in different ways in different authority systems. Legitimacy based on successful predation and state capture was well known to the Plantagenets and Tudors as well as the Hapsburgs, Medicis, and Romanovs, to say nothing of the Mughal descendants of Genghis Khan.14 In this fifth model of imagined legitimacy, some African leaders operate essentially on patrimonial principles that Vladimir Putin can easily recognize (the Dos Santos era in Angola, the DRC under Mobutu and Kabila, the Eyadema, Bongo, Biya, and Obiang regimes in Togo, Gabon, Cameroon, and Equatorial Guinea, respectively).15 Such regimes may seek to perpetuate themselves by positioning wives or sons to inherit power.

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